Tibet: United States Government and Tibet: Government Proceedings
Senator Diane Feinstein Introduces the Tibetan Policy Act
United States Senate: May 9, 2001
Mrs. FEINSTEIN. Mr. President, I rise today to address the tragedy that is unfolding in Tibet and, alongside Senators THOMAS, LEAHY, JEFFORDS, LIEBERMAN, LEVIN, WELLSTONE, BOXER, AKAKA, FEINGOLD, KENNEDY, MURRAY, and TORICELLI introduce the Tibetan Policy Act of 2001.
This legislation is intended to safeguard the legitimate aspirations of the Tibetan people in their struggle to preserve their cultural and religious identity, and to encourage dialogue between the Dalai Lama or his representative and the Government of the People's Republic of China about the future of Tibet.
As many of my colleagues are aware, I have worked for well over a decade, since before I came to the Senate, to find the right balance for establishing a lasting, constructive dialogue between Chinese and Tibetan leaders. I have tried to do so with the best interests of both sides in mind. For years, I have tried to build trust and improve communication between Chinese and Tibetan leaders.
For me this is very personal. I first met the Dalai Lama in 1978. I have watched him, I have seen him, I have talked with him many, many times.
The Dalai Lama has pledged, over and over again, that what he wants is "one-country, two systems" approach, whereby Tibetans could live their life, practice their religion, educate their children, and maintain their language with dignity and respect among the Han Chinese people.
I have had the opportunity to speak, at great length, with the President of China and other senior members of the Chinese leadership about Tibet.
For years, I believed compromise, good will, and moderation were the right tools for tearing down obstacles and building cooperation between the peoples of China and Tibet.
I have even carried messages between the Dalai Lama and the President of China seeking to bring the two together.
In 1997, for example, I carried a letter from the Dalai Lama to President Jiang which, in part, stated that "I have, for my part, openly and in confidence conveyed to you that I am not demanding independence for Tibet, which I believe is fundamental to the Chinese government." The letter also suggested that the Dalai Lama and President Jiang meet to discuss relations between the Tibetans and the Chinese government, and the "maintenance and enhancement of those cultural, civic, and religious institutions that are so important to the Tibetan people and others throughout the world."
What I got back was essentially that the Dalai Lama was just a splittist and that his word was not good.
I, for one, believe he is sincere, in his non-violence, in his dedication to being a monk, in his concern for the Tibetan people, heritage, and religion.
Yet Beijing has consistently ignored promises to preserve indigenous Tibetan political, cultural and religious systems. Indeed, Beijing has not kept its commitments made twice by China's paramount leaders--Deng Xiaoping in 1979 and Jiang Zemin in 1997.
I believe that the time has come for the United States government to increase our attention to enhanced Tibetan cultural and religious autonomy.
And I feel that I can no longer, in conscience, sit quietly and allow the situation in Tibet, the wiping away of Tibetan culture from the Tibetan Plateau, in fact, to deteriorate further.
In many ways, introducing this legislation, especially now, is a very difficult step for me. I have a strong, abiding interest in good relations between the United States and China, and I am fully aware that in the current environment there will be many in China who would rather dismiss this legislation out of hand than work together to address the underlying issues.
But, the many reasonable overtures made by me, many of my colleagues in Congress, and other individuals and organizations throughout the world to work together with China over the past several years to address this issue have thus far failed to persuade Beijing to reconsider its approach to Tibet.
And there does not appear to be a "good time" in U.S.-China relations to introduce this legislation.
So I would say this to my friends in China that as they consider this legislation and its intent: I take this action now because I and many of my colleagues are at the point where we feel that this legislation is necessary to open Beijing's eyes to a simple truth: honoring the basic rights of minorities in China is not a threat to China's sovereignty, and running roughshod over its own citizens is not in China's best interest.
I say this because many senior Chinese leaders, including Mao Zedong, Zhou En Lai, Deng Xiaoping, Hu Yaobang, and Jiang Zemin have acknowledged as much in the past.
And I say this because the aspirations of the Tibetan people are not for independence, but for autonomy and respect for their cultural and religious institutions. As both the letter I conveyed to President Jiang in 1997 and the Dalai Lama's statement on the 41st Anniversary of the Tibetan National Uprising stated, "my approach envisages that Tibet enjoy genuine autonomy within the framework of the People's Republic of China ..... such a mutually beneficial solution would contribute to the stability and unity of China, their two most important priorities, while at the same time the Tibetans would be ensured of their basic right to preserve their own civilization and to protect the delicate environment of the Tibetan plateau."
And I say this because I recognize that China is a rising great nation, with a rich culture and long history. Careful reading of its history shows that China, like the United States, draws real strength from its diversity, from its cultural, religious, and ethnic multiplicity.
But, I am now convinced China's leadership will not modify its behavior in Tibet until it becomes crystal clear that China's behavior risks tarnishing its international image and burdening China with tangible costs.
Unfortnately, the situation in Tibet today is dreadful, and promises only to get worse. Beijing is pursuing policies that threaten the Tibetan people's very existence and distinct identity, and Chinese security forces hold the region in an iron grip.
As Secretary Powell stated in his confirmation hearing before the Foreign Relations Committee. "It is a very difficult situation right now with the Chinese sending more and more Han Chinese in to settle Tibet." Chinese settlers are flooding into Tibet, displacing ethnic Tibetans, guiding development in ways that clash with traditional Tibetan needs and values, and monopolizing local resources.
I do not want to debate the complex historical interactions that characterize the history of relations between China and Tibet. I am not interested in arguing about events in the past. What I am interested in is the quality of life and the right to exist as these concepts apply to Tibetans and Chinese today.
And, without question, a strong case can be made that Tibet has fared poorly under Chinese stewardship during the past fifty years: Beijing has consistently ignored promises to preserve indigenous Tibetan political, cultural and religious systems and institutions, despite having formally guaranteed these rights in the 1951 Seventeen Point Agreement that incorporated Tibet into China. And, as I stated earlier, Beijing has never seriously moved itself to carry through on promises to find solutions to the Tibet problem, promises made at least twice by China's paramount leaders, Deng Xiaoping in 1979 and Jiang Zemin in 1997. Tibet has been the scene of many grassroots movements protesting unwelcome Chinese intrusions and policies since 1956, when Beijing first began seriously disrupting Tibetan society by forcefully imposing so-called "democratic reforms" in the region. China's response to Tibetan protests has typically been violent, excessive, and unrestrained. In 1959, Beijing viciously and bloodily suppressed the massive popular protest known as the Lhasa Uprising. Indeed, it is estimated that nearly 1.2 million Tibetans died at the hands of Chinese forces during the worst years of violence, between 1956 and 1976. International commissions and third-party courts of opinion, most notably the International Commission of Jurists and numerous United Nations resolutions, consistently pointed fingers at China as a violator in Tibet of fundamental human rights and of the basic principles of international law.
According to the 2000 State Department Country Report on Human Rights Practices: Chinese Government authorities continued to commit numerous serious human rights abuses in Tibet, including instances of torture, arbitrary arrest, detention without public trial, and lengthy detention of Tibetan nationalists for peacefully expressing political or religious views. Tight controls on religion and on other fundamental freedoms continued and intensified during the year.
And, as Human Rights Watch/Asia reports, China's activities are targeting not just the present, but Tibet's future as well:
Children in the Tibetan capital, Lhasa, are being discouraged from expressing religious faith and practicing devotional activities as part of the authorities' campaign in middle schools and some primary schools. Children aged between seven and thirteen in schools targeted by the campaign are being told that Tibetan Buddhist practice is 'backward behavior' and an obstacle to progress. In some schools, children are given detention of forced to pay fines when they fail to observe a ban on wearing traditional Buddhist "protection cords."
Corrupt officials. Oppressive police tactics and midnight arrests. Seizure and imprisonment without formal charges. Beatings and unexplained deaths while in custody. The steady grinding down of Tibetan cultural and religious institutions. The list of abuses in Tibet goes on and on. There is no need for me to repeat them here.
I say all this as one who wants to work with China's leadership to help find a solution to this, and other, problems, and see a positive relationship between the U.S. and China, and between the people of China and the people of Tibet.
I want to be a positive force for bringing Tibetan and Chinese leaders to the table for face-to-face dialogue.
It is not my intention with this legislation to merely point fingers and lay blame. My intent in introducing the Tibetan Policy Act of 2001 is not to stigmatize or chastise China.
My intent in introducing the Tibetan Policy Act of 2001 is to place the full faith of the United States government behind efforts to preserve the distinct cultural, religious and ethnic autonomy of the Tibetan people.
Specifically, the Tibetan Policy Act of 2001: Outlines Tibet's unique historical, cultural and religious heritage and describes the efforts by the United States, the Dalai Lama, and others to initiate dialogue with China on the status of Tibet. Codifies the position of Special Coordinator for Tibetan Issues at the Department of State, assures that relevant U.S. government reports will list Tibet as a separate section under China and that the Congressional-Executive Commission on the People's Republic of China will hold Beijing to acceptable standards of behavior in Tibet. Authorizes $2.75 million for humanitarian assistance for Tibetan refugees, scholarships for Tibetan exiles, and human rights activities by Tibetan non-governmental organizations. Establishes U.S. policy goals for international economic assistance to and in Tibet to ensure that ethnic Tibetans benefit from development policies in Tibet. Calls on the Secretary of State to make best efforts to establish an office in Lhasa, the Capital of Tibet. Provides U.S. support for consideration of Tibet at the United Nations. Ensures that Tibetan language training is available for foreign service officers. Highlights concerns about the lack of religious freedom in Tibet by calling on China to cease activities which attack the fundamental characteristics of religious freedom in Tibet.
In addition, the Tibet Policy Act expresses the Sense of the Congress that: The President and the Secretary of State should initiate steps to encourage China to enter into negotiations with the Dalai Lama or his representatives on the question of Tibet and the cultural and religious autonomy of the Tibetan people. That the President and the Secretary of State should request the immediate and unconditional release of political or religious prisoners in Tibet; seek access for international humanitarian organizations to prisons in Tibet; and seek the immediate medical parole of Ngawang Choephel and other Tibetan prisoners known to be in ill-health. The United States will seek ways to support economic development, cultural preservation, health care, and education and environmental sustainability for Tibetans inside Tibet.
The Tibetan Policy Act does not aim to punish anyone. I do not believe that threats or force will sway Beijing from its present course.
But, I am convinced that we must send a clear message.
I am under no illusion that passing the Tibetan Policy Act of 2001 will immediately change the situation in Tibet.
Nor am I under any illusion that changing current conditions in Tibet will be an easy process. It will be a long and difficult process requiring patience and perseverance.
But I am hopeful that better, more effective efforts on our part and better coordination with like-minded members of the international community will encourage China to change its thinking and modify its behavior towards Tibet.
To paraphrase an old Chinese proverb: you have to take a first step to start any journey. This legislation, I hope, is a first step in bringing together the Dalai Lama or his representative and the Chinese government to discuss the future of Tibet and to take action to safeguard the distinct cultural, religious, and social identity of the Tibetan people.
I urge my colleagues here in the Senate, as well as my friends in China, to join with me in taking it.
